Комментарии: PAT *š́ǝ- in compounds: Abkh. á-š́ǝ-bž́, Abaz. š́ǝ-bž́a-n 'noon' ( < *š́ǝ-bǝža, see *bǝža 'half'); Abkh. á-š́ǝ-ž́ 'morning', Abaz. š́až́ǝ 'early in the morning'.
In the AK word (*jǝ-ʎá-sǝ) jǝ- is a pronominal prefix; meaning of the final component (-sǝ) is not quite clear (cf. *-sa in *pá-sa 'early'?). Shagirov's (1, 185) hypothesis of a Turk. origin seems, anyway, very improbable.
The original meaning of the root is not clear ('time' in general?). Note that the corresponding root in Avaro-Andian languages has the same range of meanings.
Комментарии: PAT *jV-ša (with a pronominal or reciprocal prefix); PAK *za-xʷá (on the etymology of the first part see Shagirov 1, 204). The correspondence PAT *š : PAK *xʷ : Ub. sʷ points unambiguously to PWC *ʎʷ. Cf. also PAK *xʷá-da (Ad. fad, Kab. xʷada) 'similar, equal' (despite Dumézil 1932, 92; 1963, 14-15; Kuipers 1960, 113; Shagirov 2, 106 PAK *xʷa- here can hardly be analyzed as a version prefix; the semantic correlation 'straight' - 'similar, equal' is quite natural).
Комментарии: PAK *xǝ- (used only with preverbs). The PWC reconstruction is only tentative without AA and Ub. parallels (since PAK *x may go back to *ʎʷ, *ƛ́w, *ʎ́ʷ, *x(ʷ), *x́ʷ).
Комментарии: PAT *šǝ (the Abaz. form goes back to a compound with PAT *ʒ́V 'grain', with the auxiliary linking morpheme -rǝ-, lit. 'millet grain'). PAK *xʷǝ (Ad. fǝ-ʁʷa means literally 'yellow millet'; cf. also Ad. fǝ-gʷ = Kab. xʷǝ-gʷ < *xʷǝ́-gʷǝ 'pounded millet'). In Ub. cf. also sʷǝ-pǝ́ 'flour' (the meaning of the second components -bIa, -pǝ is not quite clear).
The correspondence PAT *š : PAK *xʷ : Ub. sʷ points unambiguosly to PWC *ʎʷ. All other comparison attempts within WC (PAK *xʷǝ : Ub. χʷa 'millet, grain' - see Mészáros 1934, 386; PAT *šǝ : PAK *mač́ǝ - see Shakryl 1968, 53, 98; PAK *xʷǝ : PAT *qʷǝ-ʒ́ǝ 'pounded millet' - see Rogava 1956, 121) are unacceptable and unnecessary. Ad. fǝgʷ > Osset. (Dig.) fagä 'pounded millet' (see Shagirov 2, 108).
Комментарии: PAK *xǝ. The Abkh. form contains a locative suffix -n(ǝ); m(ǝ)- is obviously a prefix here, but its precise meaning is not clear. The correspondence PAT *š : PAK *x : Ub. šʷ points to PWC *ʎ́ʷ.
Комментарии: PAT *šǝ; PAK *xʷa-bá. Shagirov (2,106) takes from Ubykh another root: š́a- 'to be hot'. However, Ub. š́ can not correspond to PAK *xʷ, while Ub. šʷa-dá- is a perfect match for both AA and AK forms.
It is probable that Ub. š́a- 'be hot' goes back to another PWC root, *š́V (*š:́V) which is not reflected in PAK, but in PAT merged with *šǝ < *ʎ́ʷA. This seems probable because the Abkh. root means both 'boil' and 'become hot'.
Комментарии: PAT *šǝ (used independently as "wall-eye": Abkh. á-š, Abaz. šǝ; the meaning of the element *-ḳʷaḳʷa is not clear); PAK *xʷǝ-ž́ǝ́ (with a suffix *-ž́ǝ common for names of colours).
A similar root is used in WC with the meaning 'dawn, light': PAT *ša- 'to come (of dawn)' (Abkh. a-ša-rá, Abaz. ša-ra), PAK *ná-xʷǝ 'light' (Ad. naf, Kab. naxʷ), Ub. sʷǝ 'dawn', a-sʷǝ́-n 'dawn is coming'. However, it differs from *ʎʷV 'white' accentologically and may have a different origin.
Комментарии: PAK *ja-xǝ- (with a pronominal prefix *ja-); Ub. sǝ́-šʷa-n. The Ad. root may be alternatively compared with the Adygh noun *xǝ 'bottom' q.v. (see Yakovlev 1941, 210), but the latter seems to have a separate EC parallel. Despite Shagirov (1,178), however, Ub. χa 'bottom' can be connected neither with PAK *ja-xǝ-, nor with PAK *xǝ 'bottom'.
Комментарии: PAT *ša (Abaz. q-ša-ra = Abkh. a-χ-ša-rá id.; with another preverb cf. Abaz. ʕan-ša-ra 'to be born'); PAK *ʎ(ǝ)-xʷa- (a compound with *ʎ́V 'kin' in the first part).
Комментарии: PAT *č́č́a- (assimilated < *š(ǝ)č́a-); PAK *č́xǝ-; Ub. sǝ-šʷač́á-n. Shagirov (2,149) justly criticizes Klimov (1967, 304) for comparing PAT *č́č́a- with PAK *š́ǝš́ǝ- 'to neigh', and follows Abdokov (1973, 24) in comparing PAT *č́č́a- and PAK *č́xǝ-; he also adds the Ubykh form, but only its second part (-č́a) - see Shagirov 2, 149.
Since PAK *č́ = Ub. č́ and PAK *x = Ub. šʷ, it seems very probable to compare the words in whole (assuming a metathesis in one of the subgroups). The PAT form *č́č́a can be easily explained as a result of assimilation < *šǝč́a (where *š < *ʎ́ʷ and *č́ < *č́). Therefore the commonly accepted comparison of Abkh. -č́č́a- with PK *cc- 'to laugh' (Charaya 1912, 48, Shagirov ibid etc.) seems rather superficial. If PWC *ʎ́ʷV-č́V- (*č́V-ʎ́ʷV) is a compound verb, only its component *č́V can be compared with Kartvelian (we should add that both forms are probably onomatopeic in origin); the component *ʎ́ʷV is certainly related to EC forms meaning 'to laugh'.
Комментарии: PAT *xǝ in several compounds: *xǝ-šǝ 'milk' (lit. 'white xǝ'; besides the listed forms cf. also Bz. á-xš); *xǝ-zǝ 'whey' (lit. 'strained xǝ') > Abkh. á-χaz, Bz. á-xǝz, Abaz. χzǝ; cf. also Abkh. Bz. a-x-raʒ́á-ga 'milk filter', Abaz. χǝ-rč̣ʷǝ 'sour milk' etc.
PAK *č́a 'milk'.
See Shagirov 2, 137. The seemingly obvious relationship of PAK *č́a and Ub. č́a 'milk' is actually somewhat more complicated. A regular Ubykh reflex of PWC *ƛǝ would be š́a; that is why the Ub. č́a matches not this root, but rather PAT *č́ǝ 'udder' (q.v.). The meaning of Ub. č́a could have been influenced by Adygh forms. Abdokov (1983, 134-135) prefers to reconstruct WC *č́a while comparing PAK *č́a 'milk' with Abaz. (Ashkh.) č́ata, Abkh. a-χ-č̣́át 'sour cream, cream' ( = PAK *č́ata > Ad. š́āta, Kab. šāta id.)., cf. also Ub. č́ātá id. It is, however, most probable that all AT forms and the Ub. form are later loanwords from Adygh (see Shagirov 2, 136 with literature).
PAT *xǝ-šǝ 'milk' is an exact match for PAK *č́ǝ-xʷǝ ( > Kab. šxʷǝ; also with metathesis *č́xǝwǝ > Ad. š́xǝwǝ) 'sour milk', going back to a PWC compound *ƛǝ-ʎʷǝ 'white milk' (see Shagirov 2, 140); which is why Abdokov's separate comparison of PAK *-xʷǝ in this compound with Av. rax is unacceptable.
Комментарии: PAT *xǝ (cf. also Bzyb. a-xǝ́); PAK *č́a. The correspondence PAT *x : PAK *č́ : Ub. š́ points to PWC *ƛ. In all modern languages the word developed also a secondary meaning 'bullet'.
See also under *ć:ǝ about the PAT compound *xǝ-ć:ǝ.
Комментарии: PAT *cǝxǝ / *c̣ǝxǝ (cf. also Bz. á-cx, Abaz. (Гонов 1956) cǝχǝ); origin of the glottalised variant is not quite clear (all the related languages show no trace of glottalisation in this root). PAK *č:́aš:́ǝ́ (cf. Bzhed. č́aš:́ǝ). Ub. def. á-śǝś.
In Ub. an assimilation has occurred: śǝśǝ < *ćǝśǝ. Otherwise the correspondences are quite regular and point to PWC laterals in both syllables.
Комментарии: PAT *cʷa (also a verb: Abkh. á-ča-ra, Abaz. čʷa-ra). PAK *č:ǝ-já (etymology of -ja see under *ja; also a verb: Ad. čǝja-n, Kab. žejǝ-n). Ub. def. a-cʷá (also a verb: 1 p. sǝ-cʷá-n).
Значение:1 seed 2 kin, clan 3 village, people, society
Абхазский:á-ž̌la 1,2
Абазинский:žʷla 1
Адыгейский:č́ǝLa 3
Кабардинский:žǝLa 1,3
Убыхский:ǯ́ǝjǝ 1
Комментарии: PAT *žʷǝla (cf. also Bz. á-ž̌la). The root means both 'seed' and 'clan, kin' in Abkh.; in Abaz. cf. žʷla-ra 'people, village, society'. PAK *č:́ǝLá. The root also means both 'seed' and 'people, village' in Kab., but in Ad. it preserved only the more abstract meaning. In the natural sense ('seed') the root is preserved in Ad. within the compound č́ǝLā-pχ 'seeds, seed stock' (etymology of the second component see under *pǝ̃χʷǝ).
Комментарии: PAT *cʷa; PAK *ča- in compounds: *ča-xʷǝ́ 'wax' (lit. 'white wax'), *ča-kʷá 'wax waste' (Ad., Kab. šākʷa). The correspondence PAT, Ub. cʷ : PAK *č points only to *ƛʷ in PWC.
Празападнокавказский:*-ƛʷǝ-
Значение:1 object version (unfavourable) 2 privative suffix
Абхазский:-cʷ- 1
Абазинский:-čʷ- 1
Адыгейский:-nč 2
Кабардинский:-nša 2
Убыхский:cʷǝ- 1
Комментарии:Ubykh also has a privative suffix -čǝ - most probably borrowed from Adygh.
Комментарии: PAT *čʷǝ (accounting for the specific correspondence Abkh. f : Abaz. c); PAK *xa (cf. also *xǝ 'six times' > Ad., Kab. xǝ). The correspondence PAT *čʷ : PAK *x : Ub. f points to the PWC lateral affricate *ƛ́ʷ.
